‘We ourselves cannot always appreciate our Union. Within the EU, we tend to talk mostly about its shortcomings. As British historian and writer Timothy Garton Ash says, evoking George Orwell, “Seen from the inside, everything looks worse”.
Europe is a bastion of freedom, of humane laws. It is a community of solidarity, an idea with indomitable appeal. It is based on a shared culture of cafés, public squares, freedom of conscience, faith and science. That is Europe.’
This is what the audience heard yesterday at the Muziekgieterij in Maastricht, where Dutch Minister of Defence Kajsa Ollongren gave her Europe lecture entitled Europe in times of war to a full house. Minister Ollongren spoke on key themes which she divided into five points:
- A stronger European defence industry
- Greater European strength through joint procurement
- More operational cooperation between European countries
- More European engagement in NATO
- A strategic security partnership with the UK
At the end of her speech, she shared how moved she had been during the visits she has made to Ukraine over the past year witnessing Ukrainians fighting for the European promise of freedom, democracy and prosperity. She went on to stress that the Netherlands wants to take the lead in protecting these ideals.
Afterwards, the minister joined Mathieu Segers and Annette van Soest for a live recording of Café Europa, our podcast with het Haagsch College.
Read the whole speech below, listen to the Café Europa episode, see photos of the event and watch the livestream recording.
Watch the livestream
Listen to the podcast episode with Minister Ollongren (in Dutch)
Café Europe #S5E08: Lessons from war – Minister Ollongren
View the photos
Read the speech
Europe Lecture: Minister of Defence Ollongren, Maastricht, 3 May 2023
Speech | 03-05-2023
Speech Europe in times of war by Minister Ollongren at Muziekgieterij Maastricht, in advance of Memorial and Liberation Day in the Netherlands (4 & 5 May) and Europe Day (9 May).
‘Dear guests, here and via the livestream, students, Europeans,
Here in Maastricht, the achievements of the EU are almost tangible; our freedoms. The ease with which we can cross borders to work or study, to do our shopping and to do business. It is a narrow strip of the Netherlands, sandwiched between Belgium and Germany, where life does not stop at the border. Everyone here knows that. Where international diversity and cultural differences are a given. These are European achievements which have been under pressure since last year.
Here, in the Muziekgieterij in Maastricht, young and old sit together. People with different experiences, people with different perspectives; but there is something that binds us all together. Whether you are from before or after World War II, from before or after the fall of the Wall: we are all from after 24 February 2022.
Whether you are from before or after World War II, from before or after the fall of the Wall: we are all from after 24 February 2022.
Putin’s large-scale invasion of Ukraine has marked our world view. Everyone sees the horrors every day and feels the sense of solidarity; young and old.
War is as old as Europe itself. Our continent bears the scars of senseless, endless violence. The turbulent 20th century brought the bloodshed to a new and repulsive low with two world wars.
As a child, I heard the stories of the Russian Revolution. My grandfather was Russian. He came from a Finnish-Swedish family. He was born in Kiev and was a midshipman in the Tsarist army. He had to flee during the Russian Revolution and that’s how he ended up in the Dutch East Indies.
My father was born there. He survived being in a camp there, and after the war he came to the Netherlands hoping for a better life.
That was not to be taken for granted. Europe was in ruins, impoverished and fractured after a war that had pulled the rug out from under Europeans’ self-image.
The generations that had lived through the First and Second World Wars knew that it would take something big, something creative, to pick up the shards together. Controlling nationalism required more than noncommittal cooperation between states. That had already been tried once. The whole structure had collapsed like a soufflé. It had failed.
However, we built the European Union on the ruins of two world wars.
It is not a story of just cooperation, but a radically new form of integration; of linking nations to avoid war, of reconciliation, of friendship. Creating a new, autonomous legal community that protects its citizens.
It became a success because the Union emerged as a promise of lasting peace, of freedom. A promise that was fulfilled.
We ourselves cannot always appreciate our Union. Within the EU, we tend to talk mostly about its shortcomings. As British historian and writer Timothy Garton Ash says, evoking George Orwell, “Seen from the inside, everything looks worse”.
I feel European every day. It is the air I breathe. It’s the dyke that protects me and a fact I hardly think about anymore. Sometimes you need outsiders to show you how valuable it is.
Former American President Obama, here just this week, called the EU, “One of the greatest political and economic achievements of modern times”, and he is right.
At the edges of the EU, European flags fly as symbols of hope and aspiration. Before the war during demonstrations in Kyiv’s Majdan Square; and now in town squares in Moldova and Georgia.
Armed with blue and yellow stars, thousands of people in Georgia demonstrated against the pro-Russian government. In the UK, hundreds of thousands of people protested against the backwardness brought by the Brexit, and they too carried the European flag.
In all those squares, in all those streets, with all those European flags, people often see it more clearly than we do: Europe is a bastion of freedom, of humane laws. It is a community of solidarity, an idea with indomitable appeal. It is based on a shared culture of cafés, public squares, freedom of conscience, religion and science. That is Europe.
A culture about which the British wartime prime minister Winston Churchill said, “Here I am at home”. A culture that draws strength from the multiplicity of which the truly superbly chosen capital of Brussels is an embodiment. A mosaic of quirky neighbourhoods that are nevertheless connected. Where Erasmus, Bruegel, Brontë, Brel and Stromae found inspiration for their contribution to our European canon.
Ukraine is fighting for that Europe. Not for free roaming or harmonised electric chargers – useful though they are – but for our values. And both the armed forces and the people are deeply driven by those ideals, by our ideals. Europe is a promise for Ukraine, a promise of lasting peace and freedom.
I am convinced that this is why Ukraine is holding out; and that is why we must stand firm, too.
We have been able to build and improve on that European promise virtually unhindered in recent decades, but we gave too little thought to our security. For that, we relied on the Americans. For our gigantic economic prosperity, we made ourselves too dependent on cheap raw materials, energy and production from countries like Russia and China – and that is why we were caught off guard the 24th of February last year.
Protecting and delivering on the European promise – for ourselves and for Ukraine – requires that we learn to act independently. That we take more responsibility for the security of our citizens. While European integration on the economic front has soared in recent decades, security and defence cooperation has lagged behind.
Especially now that NATO has gained renewed significance through war on its eastern flank, a fully-fledged European role within the alliance is crucial. The Americans have been asking us – quite rightly – for years to be able to look after our own security more. Where necessary, Europe must be able to act more independently. A fairer balance will only strengthen the transatlantic partnership.
Especially now when NATO has gained renewed significance through war on its eastern flank, a fully-fledged European role within the alliance is crucial.
It is time for overdue maintenance. With vision and political decisiveness, we really need to pick up the slack.
The Netherlands is ambitious in this regard. Our country stood at the cradle of both the EU and NATO, and now, too, we are choosing a pioneering role. With a position between the superpowers France and Germany, good relations with the other member states and a strong awareness of the importance of the transatlantic partnership. That’s why we can do it – the Netherlands has that position.
Then the question is: how do we carry out this mission? What does our agenda look like in the coming years? Or if you turn it around: what do we want to look back on in 15 years’ time?
I see five strategic pillars. Five concrete steps to protect peace and security in Europe and also to give new impetus to European integration.
First, it comes down to strengthening the European defence industry. European defence companies simply need to produce more. More equipment and ammunition to support Ukraine. More equipment and ammunition to replenish our own stocks and equip our armed forces for the future.
Production capacity needs to increase. The agreement on delivery and joint procurement of ammunition for Ukraine in late March is an important first step. EU countries will cooperatively buy ammunition for Ukraine, joining forces.
European defence spending is growing fast and companies need the certainty that this demand will be maintained in the coming decades. I expect the industry will pick up the gauntlet.
As that, too, is part of our European model. That in our social market economy, companies have and take responsibility towards society. In this case, to contribute to our collective security.
My second point for the European agenda builds on this. If we want to increase our strength, it is essential that we as European countries move towards joint procurement and development of equipment. Stronger together, instead of everyone for themselves, as it has been until now. Strengthening the collective, rather than being paralysed by national industry interests.
We have substantially more money, so this is the time to invest smarter collectively. So, not 16 different fighter planes, not 12 types of tanks, not 33 different types of frigates. That is a form of fragmentation that is absolutely unsustainable.
What we want is interoperability, standardisation, interchangeability; ensuring that people and equipment can work together across national borders without restrictions.
That is cheaper, faster and many times more effective.
This is a perfect task for the EU. If we have managed to agree on coal and steel, on lifting border controls, on abandoning national currencies, we should be able to do the same here.
If we have managed to agree on coal and steel, on lifting border controls, on letting go of national currencies, we should be able to do this [interoperability, standardisation, exchangeability], too.
There are already good examples:
- France and Germany are working together on a new generation of tanks. The Netherlands is looking at how we can facilitate and participate in that development.
- Together with Belgium, the Netherlands is procuring four new naval frigates and 12 minesweepers.
- Germany launched a joint European air defence initiative – the European Sky Shield Initiative – in which the Netherlands participates.
- We participate in the Northern Naval Shipbuilding Cooperation. This is a joint initiative with six other northern European countries – the so-called beer-drinking countries – to build new ships.
These are all good examples, but too often still in their infancy. I want the EU to follow through and build on these kinds of initiatives.
This also applies to European cooperation in operations, which is my third point. The Dutch and Belgian navies have been working together since 1948. The Dutch land forces have become increasingly intertwined with the German ones; at the end of March, the 3rd Dutch Brigade integrated with a German division.
That is unique within Europe, but it really shouldn’t be. Together with my German colleague Pistorius, we said this is a showcase of how things should be done between countries in Europe, between countries within NATO.
Bilateral, multilateral.
A good step is the EU mission to train Ukrainian soldiers which has been fast-tracked in Germany and Poland. Additionally, the EU is finally building a rapidly deployable unit of 5,000 military personnel; it should be ready by 2025.
European armed forces must be well matched. Speak each other’s language, know each other’s culture, strengths and also weaknesses. This is how we build trust and European strength and our ability to act together when necessary.
That brings me to my last two points for EU security and defence policy. These are about cooperation with NATO and cooperation with the UK.
I was in Brunssum this morning at the Allied Joint Force Command. That is one of NATO’s operational headquarters, less than half an hour from here. Dutch soldiers direct NATO operations there together with our allies. They also play an incredibly important role in an Article 5 scenario; the scenario in which a NATO country has been attacked. I found it impressive to see it myself. It’s incredibly important right now that it’s in order; that we have our collective defences in order.
I think, and this is my fourth point, that European countries within NATO should do more, and do more together. Including more European engagement on the eastern flank of NATO territory. That is an important signal to the eastern European member states and also to the US. It is also what they – rightly – have been asking of us for some time.
Together, the EU and NATO can more easily share expensive, and thus scarce, capabilities. A good example is the joint pool of tank and transport aircraft deployed jointly by the EU and NATO. Just last week, we used one of those aircraft for evacuations from Sudan. We can also fill other scarce capacities in this way, thereby strengthening EU and NATO. I am thinking of air transport for extraordinary loads or sharing sea transport. For one country alone, procurement is often too expensive and the organisation too complex. Together, we can do it.
Moreover, the war in Ukraine shows the importance of EU-NATO cooperation and synergy. The EU adopted far-reaching sanctions against the Russian Federation; crucial to weakening the regime, to disrupting the defence industry. NATO immediately moved to strengthen its eastern flank; crucial for deterrence, to prevent further attack.
Through the European Peace Facility, the EU freed up billions to supply weapons to Ukraine. Something that cannot be done under the NATO flag. The Netherlands – both European and transatlantic – is ideally positioned to strengthen that EU-NATO cooperation.
My fifth and final point concerns the UK because, of course, Brexit has not changed geography. The UK is and remains a military superpower with a strong interest in a secure Europe. You can see this in the UK’s support for Ukraine. They really have a leading role in that. They are also our neighbour and a country with which the EU should and would like to cooperate better on defence.
Talks are currently taking place for a new strategic partnership with the British. The British are already planning to join the European Military Mobility Project. A project that the Netherlands is leading. This would be a great start to a renewed, broad-based defence cooperation.
Here, too, the Netherlands can play a pioneering role. We know them well, the British. The seafaring frenemy, as we sometimes call them. They left the EU, but the ties remain very strong, especially when it comes to defence. We must use these to bridge the gap between the UK and the EU. I am convinced that is in everyone’s best interest.
To summarise:
- A stronger European defence industry
- Greater European strength through joint procurement
- More operational cooperation between European countries
- More European engagement in NATO
- A strategic security partnership with the United Kingdom
As far as I am concerned, these are the five points with which we can quickly strengthen the European security and defence policy.
In order to keep up the pace within the EU, I have another wish. That wish has a somewhat institutional character, but here and before this audience I dare to share it.
The urgency of our mission requires a serious and mature decision-making structure. That is why I think the defence ministers should meet more often. The Council is the place to make sure we move forward faster.
In the new European Commission, as far as I am concerned, the new portfolio distribution should reflect the importance of defence cooperation. A new consultative structure is needed for a secure European future.
This brings me back to Ukraine because besides large-scale, short-term arms deliveries, it is also important to look ahead. Even when the war is over, Ukraine must be able to defend itself. It must have access to western weapons.
For this reason, Ukraine has long aspired – and been promised – a place in the European and transatlantic security architecture. The country is also currently, while fighting the war, making the transition from old Russian, even Soviet, equipment to our current NATO standards; both in equipment and strategy.
If there is to be a peace agreement, there will also have to be clear agreements on security guarantees for Ukraine.
On the European side, agreements will have to be made on reconstruction and economic cooperation, for instance regarding energy or agriculture. Ultimately also on EU membership because that too is part of the European promise.
Last year I visited Ukraine a number of times, cities like Kyiv and Odessa, villages like Baksha and Irpin. It is not just the devastation I saw, but also the people who stay with me; their fighting spirit, their resilience. Their deep motivation to pass on their country in freedom to their children.
Like in Mykolayiv, where at the beginning of the war the civilians themselves took up arms. Or in Zaporizhzhya where iron and steel workers switched to producing bulletproof vests, helmets and armour plates for military vehicles.
Already in the shelters, Ukrainians are teaching their children to stand up against oppression. Already they take pride in becoming the generation that made their country European. Ukraine is fighting for the European promise of freedom, democracy and prosperity; and coincidences don’t exist – the blue-yellow flag of Ukraine is also the blue-yellow of the European flag.
Knowing this, we will go to the polls next year for the European elections. For a few in the room, it may be the first time you get to vote.
The elections are about the EU of today, but also about the Europe of tomorrow, about progress. About daring to make choices for future generations, instead of leaving them with the bill.
The elections are about the EU of today, but also about the Europe of tomorrow, about progress. About daring to make choices for future generations, instead of leaving them with the bill.
Never again war – that was the desire in 1945. Never again division and oppression – that was the hope after the fall of the Wall. We have built an ever-closer European Union that has brought freedom, democracy and prosperity. We gave meaning to our reconciliation. The European Dream, de Europese Belofte, la promesse Européenne.
To protect that ideal, the Netherlands wants to take the lead in deepening European security and defence policy. That is the contribution our generations can make to the common European adventure, the responsibility we can and must bear.
My hope and commitment lie in making the European Dream come true, for ourselves, for Ukraine, and for all generations that come after us. So, they too can say with pride: I am a European, here I am at home.
Thank you.’
