Calendar

Academic conference on 30 years Maastricht Treaty: the past, present, and future of European Integration

28 September - 29

Keynote lecture by Thomas Piketty: Rising inequality and the democratisation of Europe

28 September

Keynote lecture by Paul de Grauwe: 'The fragility of the eurozone: endemic or temporary?'

29 September

Mestreech ’92: local memories of the Maastricht Treaty as cultural heritage

5 October

Launch Oral History Project

7 December
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This year’s Cultura Nova (26 August-4 September), will be the last for Fiedel van der Hijden (1958) as artistic director. Thirty-two years ago, he was one of the founders of this international theatre festival which takes place in Heerlen and the surrounding Euregion. A native son of Heerlen, Van der Hijden (who recently moved to Belgium) knows better than anyone how many opportunities and difficulties Euregional cultural cooperation involves. ‘In terms of content we speak the same language, but in terms of funding things are a lot more difficult.’

According to Van der Hijden, there is a great willingness to cooperate throughout the Euregion, but it often goes wrong because there is less non-earmarked funding for cultural projects in Germany and Belgium than in the Netherlands. ‘They put a lot of money into their own cultural infrastructure, but co-productions across the border are harder to get off the ground.’

Cultura Nova has always invested in Euregional cooperation. Van der Hijden: ‘The Euregion is very important to us. We focus much more on Parkstad and the Euregion than on the Randstad, for example. Fortunately, our contacts with governments and cultural organisations in Belgium and Germany are good, and we have no complaints about media attention either.’

Photocredits: Peter Mullenberg

Nevertheless, several of Van der Hijden’s Euregional plans have remained on the shelf out of necessity or have only been carried out in the Netherlands. ‘Occasionally, we are able to arrange performances across the border, but joint productions remain difficult to finance and realise. An example? Once we wanted to have a French company perform in Aachen, but they had to pay all sorts of German taxes. Those are unnecessary obstacles.’

European festivals

On a European scale, cooperation has improved in recent years. Thanks to a grant from the EU’s Creative Europe programme in 2018, Cultura Nova was able to set up a wonderful collaboration with eight other European festivals. ‘It was the result of a preliminary project for Maastricht Cultural Capital 2018, created by artistic director Airan Berg with artists from various countries and performed at schools in Parkstad. That was so much fun that we thought: why not try to organise a collaborative project on a European level? We invited festival representatives from Bulgaria, Denmark, Finland, France, Croatia, Austria, Portugal and Romania to Cultura Nova and worked out a plan together.’

“In terms of content, artists in the Euregion already know where to find each other, but we must make cooperating easier”

The idea behind the Centiphery project was that each festival would link two artists from its own region with two artists from another country. At Cultura Nova, these were theatre director Lieke Benders and actor Bart Bijnens. They created a performance together with a French choreographer and a Romanian visual artist. ‘The great thing is that the collaboration has led to other projects and contacts’, says Van der Hijden.

Photocredits: Janis van der Hijden

Working together on the basis of content

Van der Hijden believes strongly in starting small and cooperating on the basis of content. ‘In terms of content, artists in the Euregion already know where to find each other, but we must make cooperating easier. It would be good if there was a simple fund in which Germany, Belgium, the German-speaking Community of Belgium and the Netherlands could pool money to facilitate artists. By providing a platform and showing support, new things can happen.’

According to Van der Hijden, we also need to showcase more what is already happening in the Euregion’s cultural sector. ‘People cross the borders to fill up with petrol or shop, but they don’t know what’s going on in the museums and theatres, for example. Euregional cultural events can help to broaden that view.”

Photocredits: Bjorn Frins

Smalltalk

The Euregional project of this year’s Cultura Nova is Smalltalk, a coproduction of Cultura Nova, Studio Europa Maastricht and Hoge Fronten, Lieke Benders’ theatre company. Smalltalk is a theatrical travelling encounter. The first edition took place in Maastricht and Liège in May, and on 27 and 28 August and 3 and 4 September it will be Heerlen and Aachen’s turn. Van der Hijden: ‘This project literally brings the inhabitants of the Euregion closer together. People from Aachen take a bus to the Tempsplein in Heerlen and people from Heerlen go to the Ungarnplatz in Aachen. Once there, they hear life stories from various residents. Afterwards, both groups travel to the border to meet each other.’

“Smalltalk beautifully shows that anyone can open their window and see what their neighbour is up to”

According to Van der Hijden, the great thing about this project is that you discover there are a lot of similarities between the people in the Euregion. ‘There may be a language barrier, but that is basically the only thing. Mining, for example, plays a large role in our shared history; and we are all concerned that everything is getting more expensive. It is good to experience that we are actually the same, that we share the same space and history, but also have the same problems. Then it is also easier to look for solutions together.’

‘Smalltalk also shows what makes a community and what roles certain people play in it.’ For example, Van der Hijden explains, there was a lady in Liège who was the custodian at a primary school for many years. ‘She had a very important role in the social system of the neighbourhood because she knew all the children and their parents. Lieke Benders has also consciously involved writers and musicians from Belgium and Germany in the project. I find that a great quality.’

Photocredits: Peter Mullenberg

“Smalltalk beautifully shows that anyone can open their window and see what their neighbour is up to. We have to facilitate Euregional cultural collaboration on a large scale, but start small with projects like this.’

What does Van der Hijden himself still hope to discover in the Euregion now that he has more time? ‘I would like to visit more museums in Belgium and Germany. I always get a lot of inspiration from them.’

Photocredits featured image: Janis van der Hijden

Are you interested in Smalltalk and would you like take part in this travelling encounter? Buy your tickets here!

News

On Friday 3 June 2022, former French Minister of European Affairs, Élisabeth Guigou, delivered the inaugural Princess Beatrix Lecture (PBL) in Maastricht in the presence the princess herself.  

Annual lecture  

The annual PBL invites a leading European personality to reflect on the legacy of the Maastricht Treaty and its relevance for contemporary Europe. The lecture was created in honour of Princess Beatrix and her unwavering commitment to constructive cooperation in Europe, in particular the establishment of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992. 

Élisabeth Guigou 

The inaugural lecture of the PBL was given by Ëlisabeth Guigou. As French Minister of Foreign Affairs (1990-1993), she was closely involved in the negotiations that culminated in the Maastricht Treaty as well as a trusted adviser to French President François Mitterrand. In her speech Guigou looked back on the years in which the treaty was concluded and the way in which European cooperation has developed since then.     

Role princess Beatrix 

In her speech Élisabeth Guigou reminded the audience of the important contribution the then queen of The Netherlands played in the negotiations. According to Guigou she the head of states “the order to make the Maastricht Summit succeed” during a lunch that was organised at the Château Neercanne.  

The historical context of the Maastricht Treaty  

She also emphasised that the importance of the Maastricht treaty cannot be understood without understanding its historical context. The Single European Act (1986), for example, ‘’would pave the way for the European Union’’. While at the same time, the political revolutions in East and Central Europe around 1988 and 1989 ‘’made us [the Western European political leaders] realise that a political union and single currency were more pressing than ever.’’  

Political willingness  

Besides the historical context, the political willingness of European leaders was essential in the singing of the Maastricht Treaty. ‘’Our Europe is a story of consecutive compromises’’, Ms Guigou said. ‘’The reason we progressed is because Francois Mitterrand and Helmut Kohl [Former Chancellor of Germany], among others, made sacrifices domestically’’. In Germany, the creation of the single currency was met with fierce resistance by the public, coalition partners and the German central bank. Nonetheless, ‘’the Chancellor agreed [upon the establishment of the European Monetary Union], because there was a sense of urgency.’’

Legacy of the Maastricht Treaty  

At the end of her speech Ms Guigou reflected on the legacy of the Maastricht Treaty. Firstly, according to her, its legacy lies in solidarity: ‘’How would we have handled Brexit without the solidarity that was constructed through economic and social cohesion?’’ Furthermore, security: ‘’The Maastricht Treaty was the first text in which a common foreign policy and European defence was envisaged that today is indispensable.’’ But above all, the legacy lies in the spirit of the treaty. ‘’I believe that it’s this spirit that can overcome the current challenges in Europe’’, Ms Guigou concluded.  

News

Robert Skidelsky isn’t seventeen anymore. The emeritus professor of political economy at Warwick University is eighty two to be precise, but his age does not seem to affect his productivity. He is working on a new book about machines in the twenty-first century, writes long and insightful blogpost on his website about climate change, corona and a guaranteed job scheme, still acts as an independent Lord in the British House of Lords and travels around to do speeches. During a lecture at Maastricht University in November, he is on his feet for an hour straight, actively gesturing along the way and in his old day, it doesn’t seem like he has stopped learning when he tells the crowd he came across a new word recently: clusterfuck; ‘I find it extremely expressive.’

Skidelsky is most famous for the several books he wrote about British Economist Maynard Keynes. To name a few: the three volumes long biography about the life and work of the economist and his 2009 ‘The Return of the Master’ published just after the financial crisis which played an important role in bringing Keynes’ work back on centre stage.

On one of his research trips for one of his several books, Skidelsky visited Tilton House, the manor where Keynes lived for several years with his wife Lydia Lopokova – a professional ballerina – and where they both died: Keynes in 1946 and Lopokova about 40 years later. Skidelsky found a poorly maintained house and managed to convince the tenant to lease him the property for a marginal sum, on the condition that he would restore it to its old glory. Skidelsky gave the house a facelift, settled in Keynes’ old study to do his writing and he and his family happily lived in Tilton for another 20 years.

Was Skidelsky working in the former study of the legendary economist who shaped the post-war economic order at Bretton Woods in 1944 when he heard of the landmark moment in Maastricht back in 1992 that would shape the European Union permanently? ‘Maybe’, he says over breakfast in his hotel the morning after the lecture, ‘but it doesn’t really stick in my mind, I didn’t think it was thát important at the time’. He does however vividly remember the Giscard committee that was established in preparation to the Maastricht treaty. ‘They wanted a strong political union next to the monetary union but it was rejected. That was a missed opportunity’.

***       

In 2016, Skidelsky voted for Britain to stay in the European Union – ‘I thought it was the best for Britain and its future, it was not out of enthusiasm for the EU as such’ – but back in the 80 and 90s he opposed Britain to join the EMU. He supported the idea that Britain shouldn’t join until its economy was compatible with the demands of the EU. Tony Blair was very much in favour of joining the EMU he remembers –‘he wanted to put Britain at the heart of Europe and the EMU was the only project’-  but Chancellor Gordon Brown blocked the British accession to the common currency.

“From an economist point of view, the EMU was never designed to succeed”

A missed opportunity? ‘No I don’t think so. If you look at it from an economist point of view, the EMU was never designed to succeed. It is a fair weather system. If the whole economy is doing well, it works okay. But if you have a crisis, the weak countries get into trouble and Germany has to rescue them. I already said it back then: this isn’t really going to work.’

The problem of the EMU is that  it is a ‘practice without a theory’, Skidelsky explains. For Britain the EU was always just a trade area ‘with a bit of extra’ and that makes things a lot less complicated. But once you embark on a monetary union, you have to start talking about a political union. ‘A monetary authority has to be subordinate to a government. Otherwise, you are treating money as an independent actor and it shouldn’t be’.

Along with a political union, the EU also has had to do without an European treasury and centralized fiscal policy, an essential construction failure if you ask Skidelsky. ‘All responsibility to make the monetary union work was placed on the European Central Bank (ECB) while monetary policy is hopefully inadequate, it’s a weak instrument to achieving any purpose.’ This forced Mario Draghi to step up and take up a far bigger political role than the ECB’s mandate ever allowed, deciding on the fate of Greece end the Euro as a whole.

Still, the Euro enters its second decennium this year, thirty years after the signing of the Maastricht Treaty, doesn’t this make Skidelsky more optimist about the future of the monetary union? ‘The only reason the EMU is still here is because enough people don’t want it to fail’ he says.  ‘You can exist above hell and below paradise for a long time’ but it won’t be without consequences: the Euro will never be a reserve currency that can rival the Dollar or Chinese Renminbi – ‘currencies back by powerful sovereign states’ Skidelsky says, an ambition the EMU once had. And, there is always the looming risk that you ‘break up the whole thing.’

To better understand the EU’s current state of affairs and move it forward, it helps to look back at it origin. The EU came into being to prevent a bipolar world dominated by America and the Soviet Union, but when the later collapsed this third force was no longer needed. And with it ‘the impetus for creating a strong Europe that had an independent influence on world affairs disappeared’ Skidelsky says. This absence of outside pressure has been evident ever since in the EU’s development he says, pointing at the European dependency on NATO and the fact that a European Monetary Fund never was created.

“If France left, that would be a crisis”

The EU needs an impetus to take steps forward and that is why Skidelsky is intrigued by the idea of the ‘optimal crisis’ because ‘the devil has a role to play in human development’ he noted during his lecture. An event that hits you, hurts you – that is essential –  but doesn’t kill you and provides the ammunition to change for the better. ‘They can shed Greece without too many problems but the crisis had to be severe. If France left, that would be a crisis.’

The 2008 financial crisis did produce movement in the EU. The ECB wasn’t able to stick to its mandate and ad hoc measures had to be taken to be able to buy Greek debt and save the country from bankruptcy. Also, the pandemic did bring things in motion, most notably the EU Corona recovery plan that marked the start of European debt sharing and could be a step towards the more permanent Eurobonds, but ‘it wasn’t enough’.

***

The EU leaders have been way to occupied with ad hoc measures Skidelsky says, causing them to overlook root causes while treating symptoms. ‘How long can you go on dealing with systemic issues in an ad hoc way?’, he wonders out loud. ‘You patch up, use a bit of sticking plaster but it festers. The issue grows and you need even more sticking plaster the next time till, at some point, you know it won’t work any longer’.

‘It is very rare you get the opportunity to attack an issue root and branch’ Skidelsky says, and the EU must be ready when that moment presents itself, but what is this next step for the EU? He isn’t sure. ‘I don’t think we have an agreed conceptual theory of what is wrong with the EMU which we then have to remedy’ and we shouldn’t expect to get these answers from politicians he thinks, they are just occupied with the crisis of today. This is where the European intellectuals have to step up, he stresses, but they haven’t so far. ‘I don’t see it. Maybe it is there, do you see it?’

Skidelsky thinks it’s high time for a new Giscard committee and he already knows what economist’s ideas could bring the union forward: Keynes and his so called ‘Clearing Union’, that was vetoed by the US back at the Bretton Woods conference. The British economist proposed the creation of a single world currency for international trade called the Bancor – while keeping national currencies for national transactions – but the interesting elements for the EU lie in the automatic fiscal stabilisers Keynes build into his system. Every country would have a trade quota, equal to its past five years averaged sum of important and exports, and exceeding this quota would result into a penalty. Simultaneously deficit countries would be provided interest free loans for investments, while surplus countries are charged with high interest rates.

On top of that, Skidelsky would complete Keynes’ quest for full employment by introducing an EU wide automatic job guarantee scheme. ‘Nobody studies Hungary because they hate Viktor Orban but it’s the only country that actually tries it’, he says. In economic downturns, the government stimulates the economy by taking more people on board, in good times the private sector takes back the role of employer and the government can balance its books. ‘The principle is good, and we should try this on a EU wide basis. It is a bold plan but it would give people the feeling that the EU is not just a travel agency but something that really improves their lives. Put a bit of imagination into Europe’.

“The EU having a lever over its members is an important achievement”

The EU isn’t half finished if you ask Skidelsky, but he also thinks we don’t give it sufficient credit when credit is due. ‘Nothing is ever the same the second time, but there is – a sort of – revival of fascism going on’ he says, but the EU manages to restrains it. ‘Orban can’t do a Mussolini. Dictatorships are no longer possible in the EU because countries simply don’t have enough sovereignty to say “this is the form of government we want and fuck you”. The EU has a lever over its members and that is an important achievement.’

News Public Debate

On a sunny Tuesday afternoon in early March, the Dutch Minister of Finance, Sigrid Kaag, addressed an audience in Maastricht’s Sint Janskerk. In her speech, she shared the newly appointed Dutch cabinet’s – and her own – vision on the future of the European Union (EU). In addition to discussing the Stability and Growth Pact in which the European fiscal rules have been formalised, Minister Kaag spoke about the war in Ukraine, the need for the EU to become independent from Russian gas and the climate crisis. After the speech, Mathieu Segers, professor of contemporary European history and integration at Maastricht University and Europa Chair at Studio Europa Maastricht, led a discussion with the minister. There was also time for questions from the audience, an opportunity that both students and older attendees took advantage of.

The war in Ukraine

Although not part of her original plan, Minister Kaag was obliged to mention developments in Ukraine during her speech in Maastricht. ‘When I accepted the invitation to come here today to talk about European unity, we all believed that war on this continent was a thing of the past. t’, the minister said at the start of her speech. ‘Putin’s invasion comes as a rude awakening’, she later concluded.

According to Minister Kaag, the outbreak of war in Ukraine is an opportunity to continue the level of ‘unanimity and decisiveness’ in the EU that has never been seen before. ‘This unprecedented crisis demands another type of Union. A Union which does not muddle along but looks ahead..’ She also addressed the Euroscepticism that exists in the Netherlands: ‘the notion of the European Union as a partnership isn’t a question but a fact. It is the institution which we in the Netherlands must commit to fully, because this is also in our national interest.. She even sees a leading role for the Dutch government in this: ‘The present government wants to play a leading role in shaping a strong and effective Union.’.

The geopolitical role of Europe

Minister Kaag stated that the cabinet has three priorities: the geopolitical role of Europe, financial cooperation within Europe and climate change. ‘In normal times my priority as Finance minister would be financial stability. But these are not normal times. Europe’s main concerns and tasks lie in the geopolitical arena..’

According to Ms Kaag, Europe ‘as one of the largest economies in the world’ should focus on the implementation of economic sanctions. ‘Economic sanctions entail costs, but we should not be afraid of their impact on us. Anything we feel will be felt much harder by Putin and his clique.’ Europe will also have to cooperate better on a military level: ‘As a Union we must be more capable of resolving conflicts on our own.  […] The Netherlands wants to do its part for a stronger European defensive partnership: a stronger Europe within NATO..’ Finally, Minister Kaag wants the EU to dare to be ‘a power political factor’. ‘We are, therefore, committed to abolishing the right of veto on sanctions, human rights violations and civilian missions.’

The Stability and Growth Pact

While it seems less relevant in times of war, the minister wanted to emphasise financial stability in Europe. ‘It may seem uncomfortable to talk about money, about prosperity and welfare during such a political and military crisis. At the same time, it is precisely what people are concerned about.’ The current turmoil in the world has weakened European economies. ‘After a long period of low inflation and low interest rates, these have already increased. This affects people’s purchasing power, and countries see the interest on their national debt rise’, said the finance minister, and ‘the war in Ukraine will further worsen this.’ 

That is why Minister Kaag will discuss the modernisation of the Stability and Growth Pact in the near future. ‘It is in everyone’s interest that public finance in the euro countries are in good shape. […] We desperately need that foundation, especially in unstable times.’ In 1997, the EU member states agreed that their budget deficits would not exceed 3% of national income, and that national debt would not exceed 60% of national income.

During the review of the pact, the Dutch Finance Minister will stick to a number of pillars. According to Minister Kaag, the reduction of national debt should not only be achieved through austerity measures, but also through reforms and investments. ‘High-debt member states must return to a sensible level at a responsible pace, and this cannot be achieved only through budgetary measures.’ There will also have to be room for flexibility in the rules: ‘In recent years, European fiscal rules have demonstrated their flexibility in extraordinary circumstances.’ Finally, the pact will have to be applied ‘consistently, transparently and predictably’. ‘In this way, the Stability and Growth Pact can once again function as intended – and contribute to a healthy European economy.’

Climate crisis

In addition to geopolitical influence and financial stability, Minister Kaag argued for less dependence on fossil fuels. ‘Putin has shown that he is able and willing to use the gas tap as a political instrument.’ According to the minister, gas imports from Russia must be reduced. Energy would thus not be a ‘source of tension’ but become one of ‘progress’.

The minister also advocates ‘large-scale action’ in the field of climate change. ‘We will have to change our behaviour; and by we I certainly do not mean just the individual citizen, but above all governments and polluting industries.’ The minister sees a significant role for the financial sector in this: ‘Money flows steer the economy, so if we finance sustainable initiatives and not polluting ones, this has a major impact’.

The ambitions that the European Commission has for tackling the climate problem can count on support from the Dutch government: ‘To underline this, we want to be a frontrunner in Europe’. ‘This cabinet stands for a European future with an outstretched hand to our brothers and sisters inside and outside the Union.’ With these words, Minister Kaag concluded her lecture. 

News

‘It’s very important that the public debate about Europe actually takes place’, Maarten van Gaans (Limburg’s provincial executive for Energy, Mobility and Europe) said in an interview with Studio Europa Maastricht minutes after he gave the official welcome at the Conference on the Future of Europe citizens’ summit. After Strasbourg, Warsaw and Florence, it was Maastricht’s turn on 11-13 February to host a fourth citizens’ summit. During the three days, 160 Europeans discussed two central topics: migration and Europe in the world. 

The start of the weekend

After the participants had attended the official opening, there was room for debate and discussion in both the open forum and smaller subgroup sessions. During the coffee breaks, participants spoke to the media in attendance: ‘I expect a lot of work and enthusiasm, and I hope these three days help to improve Europe’, one of them said. ‘I’ve waited for this event for a few months now, and I am happy to be here’, someone else mentioned enthusiastically.

The event proceeded smoothly. Moderators led the discussions while observers and notetakers kept their eyes and ears open, and the organisers were present as the first point of contact for all. Dubravka Suica, Commissioner for Democracy and Demography, underlined the goal of the conference: ‘We want to fill the space that exists between the two [European] elections, and narrow the gap that exists between policymakers and citizens’.

Although the citizens were selected in order to accurately reflect European society, the diversity of the participants was criticised. ‘The people I have spoken to have an intrinsic motivation and interest in the European Union and its decision-making process. I haven’t seen any farmers, bakers or factory workers yet. So, I wonder whether this panel is really representative’, Michiel Hoogeveen, a member of the European Parliament (JA21) argued.

Recommendations from the panel

On Friday night, the participants had dinner in Chateau Neercanne after they were shown around Maastricht’s city centre. On Saturday morning, nonetheless, they were expected early at the MECC conference venue. The citizens provided and received feedback on their ideas about Europe’s future. Additionally, they voted for the recommendations that should be presented to EU politicians. ‘We have worked really hard so the politicians understand what we want to say’, one of them concluded.

Guy Verhofstadt, a member of the European Parliament and vice-president of the Conference on the Future of Europe, was positive about the potential outcome of the citizens’ panel: ‘It provides a few clear, ambitious and courageous recommendations from the citizens’. Yet, the scope of the summit was brought into question. ‘There has not been much engagement beyond the conference itself or the Brussels bubble’, Alvaro Oleart, postdoctoral researcher at Studio Europa Maastricht and conference observer, argued. That’s why he advocated for more ‘national citizens’ summits’ to ‘bridge the gap between European and national politics’. 

At the end of the weekend, the participants were mostly positive about the effect of the conference: ‘It totally changes the way you see your position as a citizen’. However, less hopeful conclusions were also drawn: ‘My experience with politicians is that they don’t listen’.

On the last day of the conference, 40 of the 46 recommendations received enough support to be presented during the plenary sessions in Strasbourg 11-12 March this year.

Watch the aftermovie of the conference below.

News

Maastricht, 3 June 2022

Programme of the first Princess Beatrix Lecture

  • 13:00 – 13:45 | Registration and accreditation
  • 14:00 – 14:45 | Princess Beatrix Lecture by Élisabeth Guigou with an introduction by Mathieu Segers, Professor of Contemporary European History and European Integration
  • 14:45 – 15:00 | Q & A
  • 15:00 – 16:00 | Reception

About the Princess Beatrix Lecture

The recurring Princess Beatrix Lecture invites a leading European personality to reflect on the legacy of the Maastricht Treaty and its relevance for contemporary Europe. The lecture has been named after Her Royal Highness Princess Beatrix’s because of the constructive role she played as Queen of the Netherlands during the 1991 European Summit that led to the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty.

The inaugural lecture is given by Élisabeth Guigou (1946). As French Minister of European Affairs (1990-1993), she was closely involved in the negotiations that culminated in the Maastricht Treaty as well as a trusted adviser to French President François Mitterrand. In her lecture, Guigou reflects on those years and shares her perspective on the 30 years of European cooperation that followed.

Queen Beatrix and the Maastricht Treaty

On 9 December 1991, the first day of the two-day European Summit in Maastricht, the then Queen Beatrix hosted a lunch for the European heads of government at Château Neercanne. During a short speech, the Queen stated that she would personally contribute to the success of the summit by declaring she would sacrifice her head on the Dutch guilder for a common European currency.

The Maastricht Treaty is one of the most important treaties in recent European history, having established the European Union and laid the foundation for the euro’s introduction. Together with the Treaty of Rome, it forms the legal foundation of the European Union.

Élisabeth Guigou

 Élisabeth Guigou began her career as an adviser to President François Mitterrand and was the French Minister of European Affairs from 1990 to 1993. In 1994, she was elected to the European Parliament, where she held a seat until she became France’s Minister of Justice in 1997 and its Minister of Employment in 2000. From 2012 to 2017, she chaired the Foreign Affairs Committee of the French National Assembly.

Guigou has published several works over the years, including Europe. The future challenges of the world’s leading economic power and For a fair Europe. In 1994, she founded the Europartenaires association, of which she is currently president. She is also a member of the board of directors of the Jacques Delors Institute. Both are leading think tanks on European issues.

About Studio Europa Maastricht

Studio Europa Maastricht is a centre of expertise for Europe-related debate and research.

Founded in 2018 and supported by the partners of the Maastricht, Working on Europe programme: Maastricht University, the Province of Limburg and the City of Maastricht. Together we aim to position Maastricht, the capital of Limburg, as a meeting place for citizen dialogue and debate and establish a centre of excellence for research on Europe and European integration.